Ethiopia’s foreign policy: the core aims and intentions
Since 1991, Ethiopia’s national interests have been completely redefined, to focus on the country’s internal vulnerabilities and problems, political and economic. The result, systematically laid out in the Foreign Policy and National Security Strategy a few years ago, identified the major threats to Ethiopia and indeed to its survival: economic backwardness and the desperate poverty in which a large majority of the people exist, together with the understanding of the need for democracy and good governance and for the establishment of a democratic structure and government at all levels throughout the country. Without these, Ethiopia would be unable to survive as a country. Its very existence would be in doubt.
Indeed, the philosophy behind Ethiopia’s foreign policy is quite clear: that diplomatic activity should serve the country’s economic agenda, of providing rapid economic development together with the objective of advancing democracy. Both goals are an imperative necessity for maintaining the very viability of the country. Ethiopia’s foreign policy has to serve these twin objectives: rapid economic development which aims to provide all members of society with benefits, and democratization to ensure the most complete participation of people in administering their own affairs. The government has, over the last years, therefore centred diplomatic activities on the promotion of trade, encouraging investment and tourism.
It has in fact become very clear that Ethiopia’s national security is bound up inextricably with these factors. Indeed it is not too much to say that a commitment to democracy and the war on poverty are the two central elements in national security. Ethiopia is now dedicating all its capacities, and resources, to reversing the impact of poverty. It is similarly steadily extending the process of building up the institutions of democracy and good governance in a manner which takes into account the realities of Ethiopia, recognizing the vital principle of unity in diversity, the need for tolerance and accommodation in light of the diversity of languages, cultures and faiths.
Closely allied to this, and indeed growing out of it, is a parallel commitment to peace and security in the region. Ethiopia has demonstrated its search for this in the excellent relations it has achieved with all its neighbours – with the one exception of Eritrea, of course, but as we have emphasized many times that is not something of Ethiopia’s choosing. Since the end of the war foisted on Ethiopia by Eritrea’s invasion of Ethiopian administered territory in May 1998, Ethiopia has very carefully not responded to numerous, indeed almost continuous Eritrean provocations, among them what amounts to the tearing up of the Algiers Peace Agreement of December 2000. Rather, Ethiopia has made it clear repeatedly that it is totally committed to dialogue as the means to ensure demarcation and the normalization of relations. It is prepared for an open dialogue with the Eritrean government whenever and wherever.
In this context, it was only with the very greatest reluctance that Ethiopia took the decision to intervene in Somalia in December 2006 at the request of the Government of Somalia, the TFG, when it was faced by the violent intransigence of the Islamic Courts. It was, of course, true that the Islamic Courts also posed a threat to Ethiopia’s national security with their calls for a jihad and for a renewal of Somali irredentist claims against Ethiopia, and Kenya, and the links that Al-Shabaab already had with Al Qaeda. Nevertheless, Ethiopia spent most of 2006 demonstrating a commitment to peace in Somalia. It strongly supported the discussions between the ICU and the TFG, and encouraged the TFG to try to continue the talks long after the ICU had been taken over by hard-line elements. It made numerous efforts to reach agreement with the ICU itself as well as to mediate between the ICU and TFG, holding a series of meetings with ICU leaders over several months. In all, Ethiopian officials met eight times with ICU leaders before Ethiopia, very reluctantly, took the decision to respond to the TFG’s requests and moved troops into Somalia in reaction to the start of the ICU’s offensive against Baidoa. Indeed, the final meeting came only days before Ethiopian forces advanced to Baidoa and stopped the ICU taking over the city and driving out the TFG.
The central factor in Ethiopian policy in the Horn of Africa has been its aim to build and cement relations with all its neighbours on the basis that economic links are the bedrock of sustainable policies. This is what underlies Ethiopia’s involvement in, and commitment to, the Inter Governmental Authority for Development, and its continuous support for the regeneration and revitalization of the Authority in the last couple of years; and to the Sana’a Forum for Co-operation which also involves the Republic of Yemen. IGAD, of course, is one of the Regional Economic Communities for African integration. Ethiopia’s approach to its neighbours is in fact designed to encourage the highest levels of economic cooperation as well as amicable political and security relations based on mutual trust and confidence. It is fully aware that without trust there can be no peace, and without peace, sustainable economic development is impossible. Indeed, Ethiopia now judges other countries on the basis of their preparedness to engage in a mutually advantageous partnership for economic cooperation, investment, trade and development, as well as for peace and security. This underlines the relationship with neighbours as well as others, in Europe, the Middle East, Asia and the Americas. Ethiopia has established cooperation links with over twenty major donor countries and nine international organizations. These are involved in numerous development projects through grants, technical assistance and programme and project support as part of the Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PASDEP). This lays out the directions of the country’s economic development and for achieving the Millennium Development Goals, and Ethiopia is now hopeful of achieving most, if not all, of the MDGs by 2015.
In other words, a central and basic element of Ethiopia’s foreign relations today is economic diplomacy. This focus has led to a number of changes within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the creation of new departments, among them the Directorate-General of Business and Economy. This has the responsibility of encouraging investment in Ethiopia as well as promoting Ethiopia’s exports and finding new markets using the expertise of the country’s embassies. Tourism is another area of major interest carried out of course in co-operation with the relevant ministries and institutions which also have responsibilities in this area. A related development has been the recent and extensive growth of infrastructural links with neighbours. These include new roads, telecommunication lines and hydro-electric power lines and a number of multi-sectoral agreements have been signed with Djibouti, Kenya and the Sudan to implement these projects.
A related factor has been the government’s policy measures to simplify or remove the rules and regulations that have made it difficult in the past for members of the Diaspora to participate in business and development in Ethiopia. These have included tax holidays for the import of machinery and equipment for investment projects, access to land, and the easing of banking and money controls. The result has been a steady growth in Diaspora involvement with hundreds of professionals from the Diaspora now facilitating transfers of technology and know-how and providing support in institutions of higher learning. A federal level Diaspora Forum coordinates the activities of a number of government offices for Diaspora issues, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is actively involved in designing additional policy measures to smooth Diaspora involvement in development and in the transformation of Ethiopian society.
Ethiopia, in the last few years, has laid the foundations for the essential economic structure it needs for future growth, to become a middle-income country and to win the war against poverty. It has laid the foundations for real democracy, building democratic institutions from the grass- roots, and providing the necessary political space for a responsible democratisation process. Of course, it all remains very much a work in progress and Ethiopia is very appreciative of all the assistance it has received. It is equally conscious of the need for continuing strong and sustainable partnerships with others. Without this, victory over poverty and the establishment of democracy and good governance will remain an all too distant dream.
Ethiopia will therefore continue to pursue diplomatic activities that will help make sure that its economic ties and its co-operation with traditional partners can be further expanded and deepened while making every effort to make sure that ties with new partners grow as rapidly and as practically as possible. Those parties whose partnership facilitates the achievement of rapid economic development are the friends whose relationship has the greatest significance for Ethiopia’s viability as a nation. Ethiopia is very aware of their value, but it also believes that this cooperation and partnership must be based on the principles of mutual respect and the promotion of mutual interest. Ethiopia certainly believes it has a lot to learn from the experiences of its partners. It doesn’t however want outsiders to entertain the idea that they can play a central role, be it political or economic. That will always be an illusion, as the operation of Ethiopia’s foreign policy underlines.
In fact, A Week in the Horn, starting from next week, will begin a series of articles looking closely at Ethiopia’s relations with other selected countries, as well as at the regional, continental and global organizations to which Ethiopia belongs.